![]() ![]() Losing control of satellites and the electromagnetic spectrum could degrade Alliance capabilities. High-end decryption capacities could make secure communications as open as the front page of a newspaper. Quantum sensing could make oceans ‘transparent’. New technologies and capabilities are already beginning to turn speculative fiction into reality. ![]() Potential strategic competitors seek to undermine the Alliance’s political and military-strategic objectives by deploying increasingly sophisticated strategies, often through coordinated political, military, economic, and information efforts. Our Alliance has to cope with state and non-state actors that fundamentally oppose, seek to alter or even destroy the rules-based international order and the system of values that NATO was established to protect. The Alliance no longer has any real sanctuaries or ‘rear areas’ that some form of threat, attack or malign activity cannot penetrate. The boundaries between peace and conflict, political and military, strategic and tactical, kinetic and non-kinetic are blurring. ![]() The article’s conclusion is that air power remains fundamental to the British way of war in post-Cold War conflict, as it has since the First World War.The environment NATO faces is fluid, global and complex, and the further to the future one looks, the more uncertain it becomes. The article concludes by contending the intervention in Libya is an example of liberal militarism and continuation of the British way of war. The third section critically analyses the argument deployed before the SDSR that unitary, land-centric conflict would predominate and therefore Britain’s armed forces needed rebalancing. The article then questions the notion that air power has limited utility in counter-insurgency by examining Britain’s use of air power as part of a liberal militarist approach to counter-insurgency. The article starts with a synoptic examination of the utility of air power in what David Edgerton has called liberal militarism, enabling Britain to avoid bloody and expensive land conflict by using economic, technical and industrial superiority. "This article seeks to add to the post-Cold War character of conflict debate by putting air power, its attractiveness to liberal democracies and the subsequent British way of war, in both conventional war and counter-insurgency, into historical context. Finally, the study suggests that a strictly strategic employment maturity, in view of the participation not only of the air force at the strategic level but also of the Land Force at the operational and tactical level in the recent fighting, the capacity of the Army Aviation means to provide the necessary support to the surface troops, thus reinforcing the capabilities of the Ground Force. It is suggested the potential of organizational innovation, influencing the restructuring and the business model of the Land Force. With a qualitative bias, the research method used was the deductive and bibliographical basis, supported by content analysis, proposing a reflection on Air Power, essentially, it seeks to broaden the horizon regarding the propositions of Douhet, Mitchell, Seversky and Warden, demonstrating Army Aviation action at the operational and tactical levels. This is a reflection on the application of Air Power, particularly with the Land Force, addressing its ability to conduct modern combat and guarantee success in war, due to the flexibility of air assets. ![]()
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